Delphi Forum Brings Global Economy Focus to Sulaymaniyah

Reports 02:15 PM - 2026-06-08

The 2nd Delphi Economic Forum in Sulaymaniyah.

The 2nd Delphi Economic Forum took place on 6-7 June 2026 in Sulaymaniyah, bringing together a broad range of local and international political leaders, policymakers, and experts for a series of high-level discussions focused on regional and energy security, the green transition, economic growth, governance reform, and emerging investment opportunities.

Throughout the forum, over 50 policymakers, government officials, and leading business figures from Greece, Türkiye, Bulgaria, Romania, Georgia, Poland, Italy, and France participated in a series of high-level discussions, while others gave keynote speeches.

Symeon G. Tsomokos, Founder and President of the Delphi Forum, has reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to continuing its international forum in Sulaymaniyah, describing the city as an important hub for political and economic dialogue in the region.

Speaking ahead of the second Delphi Forum Sulaymaniyah, he said the initiative will continue despite regional challenges, bringing together policymakers, business leaders and investors to discuss key geopolitical and economic issues.

Speaking at the forum, the Founder and President of the Delphi Forum expressed his pride at returning to Sulaymaniyah.

Meanwhile, Ahmet Davutoğlu, former Prime Minister of Türkiye, commended the wise leadership in Sulaymaniyah.

PUK President: Sulaymaniyah is One of the Richest Cities in the World

Speaking on the first day of the Delphi Economic Forum in Sulaymaniyah, Bafel Jalal Talabani, President of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), presented the Kurdistan Region as a potential bridge for dialogue and stability in an increasingly fragmented Middle East, stressing that lasting peace can only be achieved through comprehensive negotiations, regional cooperation, and mutual understanding. 

Below is the full panel discussion in which President Bafel participated:

Moderator: The Middle East is undergoing one of the most significant changes of the last decades. What is your take? How do you assess the current regional order, and what are the most significant changes so far, Mr. Talabani?

President Bafel:
"Well, first of all, thank you for having me. And please feel sorry for me having to follow Mr. Davutoğlu’s remarks earlier. It’s not going to be easy. The region has undergone a lot of changes, most of them negative from a security point of view and from a stability point of view. But it doesn’t mean that that will be the eventual outcome.

I think that if all parties involved look at this issue and this problem on a grander scale, the opportunity is there actually to move us into a better situation than before this conflict started. This, however, will require patience, and it will require a different form of negotiation than is taking place now. I think that the more topics are brought into the negotiation, the more opportunities there will be for people to make compromises on. As His Excellency said, some of these issues are completely interconnected. Can you have peace with Israel without resolving the Palestinian issue? Can you have peace between the United States and Iran without solving the nuclear issue?

And I think the more of these problems are brought to the table for negotiation, the possibility is there to make perhaps a lasting peace for the region. But it will take patience. And I’m hoping that the Trump administration has the appropriate patience. They certainly have the wisdom, and I believe they have the will, if left to their own devices and not influenced by third or fourth parties."

Moderator: Since you talk about the agreement, if the avenue for an agreement, what is the key issue right now, according to your views: in order to reach an agreement, a first agreement, what is the key element?

President Bafel:
"I think it’s become confused, if I’m honest with you. Before, we were talking about no nuclear weapons and certain issues regarding regional players. Now there seems to be a shift, focusing not just on nuclear weapons capability, but also on enrichment, and so on. I think, first of all, that’s a very important question. We need to identify exactly what it is we want, and then we can start negotiating on it. When the requirements are so fluid, I think it becomes very difficult to make any meaningful progress."

Moderator: Why are you saying they are fluid? There are different views?

President Bafel:
"Well, because I remember that in the very early days of the conflict, all we heard was: “No nuclear weapons, no nuclear weapons, no nuclear weapons.”
Then the narrative started changing in the Western media. Then it became enrichment. Then it became missiles. And I think these changing red lines are not helpful. I think there needs to be a clear plan: What do you want? How do you achieve it? I don’t think it’s particularly complicated. I just think it’s difficult."

Moderator: Did you see different views and different agendas from Israel and the United States?

President Bafel:
"Oh, absolutely. Absolutely. Speaking to Iranians, including Kurdish Iranians in Iran, even the targeting is perceived differently. Ordinary Iranian people can often tell whether a strike was an Israeli strike or an American strike. You know, I’m a real student of history. For 650 years, the Roman Empire fought the Persian Empire. And do you know what happened? There was never a victor.

The Romans would, time after time, achieve military successes. Yet every single time, they were never able to conquer the Persian Empire. The Persians were an empire just as the Romans were. They weren’t fiefdoms. They weren’t tribes. The Romans had a culture that was admired by many of the people they conquered—their gods, their technology, their legal system. Persia had all of that as well. Is any of this sounding familiar? Then what happened? Every time the Romans, with their superior military forces, made inroads into Persia, what would the Persians do?

They would use their geography. They would use financial warfare. And they would simply wait them out. They would wait until there was political upheaval in Rome, until there were assassinations in the Senate, until the situation deteriorated in Rome. And thus, for 650 years, this cycle continued. It is exactly the same lesson."

Moderator: You spoke to President Trump, to Foreign Minister Lavrov, and of course to other leaders regarding the priorities and the necessary steps to prevent this region from being drawn into the conflict. How do you evaluate the implications today, and what are the necessary steps that should be taken?

President Bafel:
"I think that we, as Kurds and as Iraqi Kurds, live in Iraq. And the irony is that the winner of this conflict and the loser of this conflict will affect Iraq before they affect Iran or the United States. So, as Iraqis, what do we have to do?

We have to make this region as stable as possible. We have to make sure our friends hurt each other as little as possible. And I think that’s the role that the PUK played. The PUK played a significant role in local deconfliction efforts, in improving understanding of each other’s cultures, and in helping different parties understand one another’s objectives and real red lines. I think this is the beauty of Kurdistan and Iraq: we can serve as a bridge between these different countries. 

I commend the Pakistani government for what they were able to achieve. But internally, I’m a little hurt because I think we should have been doing that. That should have been Iraq’s job. Iraq partners with the United States. Iraq and Kurdistan are neighbors of Iran. That really should have been Iraq’s role. And it’s one of the reasons why I’m so optimistic about this new government in Iraq. I firmly believe that they have a vision not only of looking east, but also of looking west. They have a genuine vision about our sovereignty and about being Iraqis working for Iraq. I’m very excited to be part of this. We have a great Prime Minister, a great President, a Speaker of Parliament—there is a real team now in Iraq, and I’m very optimistic about it."

Moderator: Explain to us the nature of your discussions with President Trump, Mr. al-Araji. Let me explain something first. There were concerns in Europe and in other parts of the world that perhaps the region would be drawn into this conflict. It was a dangerous situation. Can you explain how sensitive it was to maintain a balance between the two sides without becoming involved?

President Bafel:
"My phone calls with Mr. Trump and with His Excellency al-Araji [Iraq National Security Advisor] were essentially meet-and-greet conversations. There was a quick briefing on how the conflict was progressing and on expectations that it could become a prolonged conflict, and so on. But I think that at that point, leaders in Kurdistan and Iraq had to look at the situation and ask: “What’s best for us? What should we do?”

As optimistic as I was about the PUK’s role—my brother, other friends in the PUK, and myself to a lesser extent—working to get our message into the media and through diplomatic channels, I really think we were able to make a difference. With Türkiye, we had very strong coordination between Türkiye and the Kurdish groups. And I think together we were able to prevent what could have become a major disaster. As all of this was happening, and as there was so much pressure at the time, I actually felt invigorated because I saw that it is possible to influence events and change things.

What disappointed me was that certain political leaders seemed to be simply watching television. We didn’t have cabinet meetings. We didn’t have leadership meetings between the PUK and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). It was impossible to arrange these things. And it would have been good to do so, if for no other reason than to show the public that we were meeting, discussing developments, and making plans to protect them—instead of working on certain issues separately. I think we would have had greater impact if we had worked on those issues together.

That was my disappointment with the conflict from a local perspective. Internationally, my concern is that Mr. Trump may not be allowed to make a deal. I believe Mr. Trump can make a deal. I think that if left to his own devices, he would make a deal. And I think the deal would be reasonable. I’m hoping that eventually his patience with all sides runs out and he says: “I’ve had enough. I’m going to resolve this now.”

When he reaches that conclusion, I think there is a genuine opportunity to reach an agreement with Iran. And I think it would be an agreement that could make this area—and Sulaymaniyah in particular—extremely prosperous, wealthy, and stable. But, as His Excellency said, there are fundamental issues behind this conflict. Unless those fundamental issues are resolved, you’re simply giving a headache tablet to someone with a headache when, in reality, the problem is dehydration. You’re only masking the symptoms. I’d rather they gave him some water than simply handed him paracetamol."

Moderator: Talk to us about your relationship—and the region’s relationship—with Tehran and with Iran. How close is it? After all of this, is Tehran weakened or strengthened? Explain it to us.

President Bafel: 
"We have great relationships with Tehran. We have wonderful relationships with Washington. Qubad and I just came back from Washington, D.C. And now I’m very happy to say that we’re also developing very good relations with our Turkish brothers, and I hope this will continue. If you look at the situation, we’re a small political party in the grand scheme of things. Yet these three or four countries were essentially at odds with one another, and we were able to maintain a good balance between them all. We established red lines. We defined what could be done and what could not be done. We were able to work on these issues constructively.

So if we can do that as a relatively small political party, then Iraq can do it, and other countries can do it as well. I simply think it requires courage. Is Iran weakened militarily? Yes, you could make that argument. But you could also argue that in other ways Iran is now more united and perhaps stronger. The asymmetrical warfare that they are engaged in is very evident. And there is something else that our dear friend, the former Prime Minister, alluded to earlier: War is different now.

With a $20,000 missile or drone, you can force an adversary to spend several million dollars’ worth of ordnance simply to shoot it down. That’s going to become a bigger issue than even the Strait of Hormuz. That’s a financially unwinnable type of war. And the Iranians cannot win such a war outright.

So the conclusion is obvious: There has to be some form of peace. And I think the best peace is one where both sides enter the negotiations with their heads held high and leave with their heads held high."

Moderator: Explain to us the current situation regarding the peace process with Türkiye. You recently met, two days ago, with the Turkish Ambassador to Iraq.

PUK President: 
"It was a very good meeting. It was fantastic."

Moderator: How do you assess the peace process at this moment?

President Bafel:
"I believe the peace process will continue. I believe the peace process will be successful. We reaffirmed both our willingness and our ability to help with the peace process—on the Kurdish side and now, God willing, on the Turkish side as well. There are many things that we can do together. We discussed our Turkmen brothers and how all minorities should be represented equally and fairly. I think these are projects we can work on together in Baghdad. I’m very optimistic. Very optimistic."

Moderator: What is the key to moving forward? What are Ankara’s sensitivities regarding this issue? And how important is the discussion about bringing all armed groups under the authority of the Iraqi state?

President Bafel:
"Well, this is a fundamental and essential issue. It will signify either the success or the failure of this government. I think it is absolutely essential. Some people in Iraq still believe that we were neutral in this war. Ladies and gentlemen, we were not neutral in this war.

Missiles were launched across the region without the approval or authority of the Iraqi government. This situation cannot be allowed to continue. If we, as a government, decide to declare war, then fine—we must face the consequences. But it is not the responsibility of any individual group to make that decision unilaterally on behalf of the country. This is why I commend the courage of figures such as Sheikh Qais al-Khazali and others who have recognised that the future of Iraq lies in a unified Iraq—an Iraq governed by its own laws and institutions.

There is no need for separate armies. You can be part of the Iraqi Army. I think that will be one of the defining measures of success."

Moderator: Iraq’s political future has entered a new phase. How important is cooperation between Erbil and Baghdad? What is the key element for achieving it?

President Bafel: 
"It is enormously important. Massively important. And I think we need a new approach in relations between Erbil and Baghdad."

Moderator: What should that new approach be?

President Bafel 
"We need more engagement. Erbil—not only the Kurdistan Regional Government, but also our brothers and sisters in the KDP—need to reevaluate their relationship with Baghdad. They need to come to a fundamental realisation that I believe has not yet been fully understood: A peaceful, stable, and prosperous Iraq means a peaceful, stable, and prosperous Kurdistan. It is not the opposite.

We must stop assuming that if Iraq falls apart, Kurdistan will somehow magically become a paradise. The reality is exactly the reverse. The sooner everyone understands this, the better. Look, I travel to Baghdad many times every month because I enjoy going there. They’re my friends. Some of them are here today. They are easy to work with.

What they ask for is honesty, integrity, and respect—just as we expect respect in return. Relationships matter. This is the Middle East. It’s all about relationships. Tea, coffee, baklava."

Moderator: Not only baklava, as you mentioned. But is it only a matter of trust, or are there priorities that both sides should focus on? How do you build trust?

President Bafel:
"How can you build trust if you never even visit one another? If every time I come to your house it’s because I want something, or because I’m complaining that you’ve done something wrong, how does that create a relationship? And if you did the same to me, that wouldn’t be a relationship either. Relationships require regular engagement and mutual respect."

Moderator: How influential are external actors in shaping cooperation between Erbil and Baghdad?

President Bafel:
"I don’t think they are influential at all—except to the extent that we allow them to be. Over the last few months, I’ve found myself in the unusual position of speaking with Iranians, Americans, and our Turkish brothers, all of whom shared an interest in maintaining stability. You can influence them. Don’t allow them to influence you. Don’t let them pull you into their disputes. Help them resolve their disputes instead. 
My father used to hold meetings with the Politburo. He would listen to everyone’s advice. But when twenty different people offer twenty different opinions, you can’t follow all of them. He would choose what he believed was right. Sometimes he wouldn’t follow any of our advice. That’s leadership.
We tend to overcomplicate these things. Just because a country expresses an opinion doesn’t mean you become subordinate to that country."

Moderator: What is delaying the formation of the Kurdistan Regional Government? It’s been a long time since the elections, and negotiations with the other parties have continued without a government being formed. What is causing the delay?

President Bafel:
"Honestly, I think the delay stems from the inability of certain people within the KDP to recognise the new political reality. In fact, it’s not even a new reality. Kurdistan is not a principality. Kurdistan is a democratic political entity and must be governed as such. I don’t believe that some people fully understand what a coalition government actually means. And that misunderstanding will ultimately be their undoing—not mine, not yours. If your policies and strategies are built upon incorrect assumptions, success becomes impossible. And we’re already seeing the consequences. We’re seeing cracks in the system. We’re seeing disagreements. All of that is bad for the PUK. All of it is bad for Kurdistan.

I currently have a partnership in Kurdistan with the New Generation movement—a strong and energetic young party. That’s positive. But how much better would it be if the KDP were part of a broader cooperative framework as well? Why shouldn’t senior figures serve as wise advisors to all of us? Why can’t we create a more collaborative political culture? It seems logical to me. What exists in Baghdad through the Coordination Framework is, in my view, a useful model. Something similar should exist in Kurdistan.

All Kurdish parties should meet together in a higher council. We’ve proposed that repeatedly. But the proposal has not been embraced. And I want to be clear: If the next government is simply going to resemble the previous one, then there may be no government at all.

People need to understand that. And it’s not just me saying it. While you’re here, walk through the streets and talk to ordinary citizens. Very few people want a repetition of what they experienced before. We need a better understanding of partnership, a better relationship with Baghdad, a better understanding of regional security challenges, and frankly, some new personalities in positions of responsibility."

Moderator: Finally, if there is one message you would like international leaders, investors, policymakers, and participants at this diplomatic forum to take away from Sulaymaniyah, what would that message be?

President Bafel:
One message? I’m borrowing a little from what His Excellency said earlier, but it’s something I often say: Sulaymaniyah is one of the richest cities in the world. Come and be part of that wealth. But our wealth is not oil or gas. Our wealth is our people. They are highly educated, highly motivated, multilingual, and genuinely honorable. I would encourage any country, company, or institution to take advantage of that tremendous human potential. And if you’ll allow me to stretch the “one message” rule slightly, I would apply the same message to all of Kurdistan and all of Iraq. Educational attainment is high throughout Kurdistan—in Duhok, Erbil, and Sulaymaniyah—and throughout Iraq as well. This is our true wealth. Yet it remains underutilised.

I hope that changes. With the support of our people, the wisdom of our elders, and God’s help, that is what we hope to achieve over the next four years in the new government here in Kurdistan. Or there will be no government in Kurdistan."

Iraqi President Emphasises Economic Diversification, Combating Corruption 

Iraqi President Nizar Amedi delivered a speech on the first day of the Delphi Economic Forum in Sulaymaniyah, where he stressed that, within a remarkably short period, the event has evolved into a vibrant platform for dialogue among political, economic, and intellectual leaders from around the world. 

The following is the full text of the President’s speech:

It is a pleasure to join you today at the second edition of the Delphi Sulaymaniyah Forum.

Allow me at the outset to express my gratitude to the organisers for their kind invitation to participate in and address this distinguished gathering, which, within a relatively short period of time, has established itself as a vibrant platform for dialogue among leaders in politics, economics, and intellectual thought from across the world.

My appreciation also goes to Sulaymaniyah for once again hosting this important international event and for providing a venue that brings together diverse perspectives in pursuit of constructive dialogue.

The success of this forum serves as further evidence of the growing international recognition of the role Iraq can play in building and strengthening bridges of dialogue, fostering greater understanding among societies, and bringing nations closer together. This is particularly significant in our region, which continues to face complex challenges and risks, even as its peoples and leaders seek to expand opportunities for growth, stability, and integration.

Against this backdrop, Iraq continues to advance efforts aimed at developing its capabilities and reinforcing its position as an attractive destination for investment and development projects. In parallel, the Iraqi Government is working to ensure that the country remains a secure, stable, and reliable environment for international companies and capital.

As part of these efforts, we have welcomed and commended the decisions taken by a number of armed factions to cooperate in ensuring that the state alone retains the legitimate authority to bear arms. Dialogue and understanding in this regard remain ongoing, with the objective of strengthening security and stability and creating conditions conducive to reconstruction and development.

These initiatives come at a time when the world—and our region in particular—is experiencing profound geopolitical and economic transformations that have the potential to generate unprecedented challenges to international peace and stability.

From our perspective in Iraq, stability is no longer merely a domestic aspiration; it has become an essential foundation for sustainable development at the national, regional, and global levels.

For this reason, practical and productive dialogue has never been more important. It remains an indispensable tool for addressing challenges, mitigating risks, and fostering common ground among nations and societies.

At the same time, we recognize that the challenges confronting Iraq must not impede our determination to improve the well-being of our people and expand opportunities for growth and prosperity. While these challenges place significant responsibilities upon the government, they are by no means insurmountable.

Foremost among them are the economic and financial challenges that require sustained and decisive action. This necessitates diversifying sources of national income, reducing dependence on a rentier economy, stimulating investment, strengthening a secure and investor-friendly environment, and confronting corruption with resolve by dismantling its networks and eliminating its causes without hesitation or compromise.

Achieving these objectives requires the concerted efforts of all state institutions, and it is our hope that the executive, legislative, and judicial authorities will continue to work together in pursuit of this shared national responsibility.

In closing, ladies and gentlemen, I wish the second edition of the Delphi Sulaymaniyah Forum every success in its deliberations and outcomes.

My sincere wishes for greater opportunities for peace, development, and cooperation among nations.

Qubad Talabani: We Will Invest in Our People

Qubad Talabani, Deputy Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Region, delivered a keynote speech on the 2nd day of the Delphi Economic Forum in Sulaymaniyah, where he reaffirmed the need for economic diversification, regional cooperation, and political stability, warning that resilience is now “the test of serious leadership”, during a keynote address at the second Delphi Economic Forum in Sulaymaniyah.

The Deputy Prime Minister's speech said:

Distinguished guests, thank you for that introduction. Symeon, I love you, but this last one, maybe if I die, you can name something after me, but not now. Delphi is Delphi, let Delphi remain the Delphi Economic Forum, let it remain as Delphi.

But I want to thank you, Symeon, for your leadership, for your friendship, for all that you have done, for what you and your wonderful staff and your incredible team have done to create this network, to create this link, a link that has allowed us to bring Delphi to Slemani, to Kurdistan, and through Greece, through the beautiful city of Delphi, to reach the global stage.

He probably won't like me saying this, but I cannot not thank Kak Peshawa, Kak Peshawa Sewaili, in Slemani, who has been absolutely instrumental in organising all of this. He is too modest to say anything, but I want to thank you, Kak Peshawa, thank you for your persistence, for your support, for bringing Delphi from Delphi to Slemani.

Now, my speech.

Distinguished guests, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, welcome again to Sulaymaniyah.

It is a privilege to welcome such a distinguished gathering of leaders, investors, thinkers, students, and partners from Kurdistan, from the Arab world, from Europe, from Greece, and from beyond.

Your presence here matters.

Too often, people speak about our region without speaking to those of us who live in it. That is why I’m especially pleased that Delphi is once again here in Sulaymaniyah.

From here, you do not only theorise about the region—you feel it. You understand its pressures more clearly, and you see its possibilities more honestly.

About a month ago, many of us were in Delphi, and we were reflecting on a world being reshaped by geopolitical instability, technological disruption, economic uncertainty, climate pressure, and the reordering of trade and energy routes.

Today, in Sulaymaniyah, that conversation continues. But here, these questions are not abstract. We live them. We govern through them. And we know that resilience is no longer optional. It is the test of serious leadership.

I believe that for the Kurdistan Region, resilience means more than just surviving shocks. It means building an economy that is broader, stronger, and less vulnerable. It means stronger institutions and... investing in people. And it means moving with confidence in a world that does not wait for hesitation.

That is why diversification is not a slogan for us. It is a strategic necessity.

Oil remains important, and it will remain important. But no economy secures its future by depending too heavily on one sector, especially in a region as volatile as ours.

The lesson is clear: stability requires diversity. Growth requires institutional strength. And long-term success requires investment in human capital.

That is the course we are committed to.

We are building the conditions for a stronger private sector. We are modernising public services. We are improving the business climate. And we are creating an economy in which entrepreneurs, investors, and young people can see real opportunity.

Women must be at the center of how we think about society, governance, and the economy.

No country can claim to be serious about progress while half its population remains underrepresented, underestimated, or excluded from opportunity.

When women are empowered, institutions become stronger, economies become more productive, and societies become more than just stable.

This is not only a question of rights, though it is certainly that. It is a question of national strength and long-term development.

And I have long believed that advancing women’s rights is not a side issue or a symbolic gesture, but core part of building a modern and confident society.

That work must continue not through slogans, but through real access, real representation, and real opportunity.

Dear guests,

I do not define success simply as growth. I define success as sustainable prosperity—prosperity that is more balanced, more productive, and more durable. And that prosperity must reach beyond a few sectors and beyond a few cities.

The future of Kurdistan will not be built by oil alone, and it will not be built from its capital, Erbil, alone. And it will not be built if rural communities and smaller districts are left behind. That is why I strongly believe in regional and rural development.

Different parts of Kurdistan have different strengths, and good leadership must recognise that, and good leadership must invest accordingly. That is why this agenda includes agriculture, tourism, manufacturing, technology, renewable energy, and the creative sector.

That is why it includes regional and rural development. That is why it must bring opportunity closer to people, not simply ask people to chase opportunity. That is how we strengthen the social contract. That is how we reduce inequality between regions. And that is how we build a more resilient economy. Sulaymaniyah has a central role in that future.

This city has always stood for more than commerce alone. It has been a center of culture, ideas, education, literature, and public life. It has shaped how Kurdistan thinks. I believe it can help shape how Kurdistan grows. Sulaymaniyah has another role.

From here, we have often played the role of connector, de-escalator, and mediator. That is not a small role in our region. It is an essential role.

In a region shaped for too long by confrontation, mistrust, and at times miscalculation, places that connect, calm, and mediate have real strategic value. And I believe Sulaymaniyah has played that role, and we will continue to play that role.

And I believe that Kurdistan can help widen the space for dialogue while others are trying to narrow it. This matters especially now.

Iraq has a new government, and that creates a moment of opportunity—a chance to shape a more stable, more productive, more confident, and more independent Iraq.

I believe Iraq has a real chance to succeed. It has the human capital. It has the natural resources. It has the strategic location. And it is developing the makings of a real cross-sectarian, cross-ethnic, multi-religious governing coalition. So Iraq has the regional significance and the potential to become stronger in the years ahead.

And I believe just as strongly that the success of the Kurdistan Region and the success of Iraq are connected. These are not competing futures. They are linked futures. The Kurdistan Region must be part of Iraq’s success story—not at the margins of it, and not as a reluctant participant, but as an active partner in building a more prosperous, more connected, and more resilient country.

That also means helping shape an Iraq that is strategically balanced. I believe Iraq should not see its future through only one direction. Iraq can look east and west with confidence.

It can value its relationship and proximity with Iran while also investing seriously in its relationship with the United States. It can work with Europe, with Russia, and with our brothers and sisters in Türkiye. It can protect its sovereignty, deepen its regional ties, and broaden its international partnerships all at the same time. That is not a contradiction. It is mature statecraft. And it is the kind of statecraft Iraq needs right now, and the kind we are helping to shape. 

When Baghdad and Erbil resolve issues seriously and constructively, that does not only benefit Kurdistan. It benefits Iraq. It creates confidence. It creates predictability. And it creates more space for investment, for reform, and for growth. So I stand by this principle: "The relationship between Baghdad and Erbil must be approached in the spirit of shared success, not zero-sum thinking."

We also have to be honest about the cost of prolonged conflict, and even the cost of a prolonged unresolved status quo. 

When tensions between Iran and the United States deepen, Iraq does not remain untouched. The wider region does not remain untouched. Trade suffers. Confidence suffers. Investment suffers. And ordinary people pay the price for instability and for the turbulence.

We have had too many wars, so it is time to give peace a chance. This is not a naïve statement. It is a global imperative. Peace creates room for growth. Peace creates confidence. Peace creates room for serious state-building.

And that is why the roles of the connector, the de-escalator, and the mediator are not secondary roles in this region. They are essential roles.

None of this will happen in isolation. That is why platforms like Delphi matter. They matter because they bring together leaders, institutions, and ideas at a time when all three are needed.

Our partnerships with Europe, with the United States, with regions, and with friends around the world matter because they bring more than just capital.

They bring knowledge. They bring credibility. They bring institutional strength. And they bring long-term cooperation. They bring friendship. The President of the PUK yesterday said that personal relationships matter.

In a period marked by volatility, trusted partnerships become even more valuable. I understand that Kurdistan has a real opportunity in this changing region. We stand at the intersection of markets, energy routes, human capital, and regional connectivity.

We will not watch these changes pass by us. We will help shape them, because we want to be a serious economic partner for Europe and for the rest of the world.

Ladies and gentlemen,

This is a moment of uncertainty, but it is also a moment of opportunity.

And I believe the Kurdistan Region can emerge stronger from this period. I believe Iraq can emerge stronger from this period. And I believe our responsibility is to help make that success real.

We will build resilience through diversification. We will strengthen infrastructure. We will invest in our people. We will support innovation.

And we will work to ensure that opportunity reaches every region, not just a few. And that is the future I believe in. That is the future we are committed to.

And that is the spirit that must carry us from Delphi to Sulaymaniyah and beyond—not merely to discuss the region, but to speak from it, to understand it, and to help lead it.

Thank you very much for your attendance.




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